Alwaght- Six months of the US-Israeli war on Iran has left a significant and perhaps long-term impact on West Asia's security order, making Arab countries in the Persian Gulf question the reliability of the US security umbrella for them. This has encouraged these monarchies to diversify their military and security partners.
Meanwhile, China as a country that can meet part of the Arab clients' arms, technology, and security needs more than other choices is attractive to these countries.
The AP in a new report about the consequences of Iran war said that the Iranian attacks on the US-aligned Arab states has eroded their trust in Washington's capability to protect them. The news agency adds that regional countries now seek security alternatives and particularly Saudi Arabia is moving towards new defense arrangements.
The UAE: from Washington to Beijing
The UAE stands as one of the most striking examples of this pivot from Washington to Beijing. Abu Dhabi still maintains extensive military and security ties with the US, but it has simultaneously and markedly expanded its defense cooperation with China.
In the latest sign, the Chinese and Emirati air forces are set to take part in a joint exercise, Falcon Shield 2026, slated for late August in China. The drill signals that military relations between the two countries have moved beyond political dialogue and equipment purchases to the realm of combined troop training.
Reuters has previously reported that China and the UAE have declared themselves ready to exchange defense and security expertise and to enhance the capabilities of their military forces and security institutions.
China is not just an arms seller
What makes Beijing's ties with Arab states even more significant is the shifting nature of the collaboration itself. A July 2026 report from the Middle East Council shows that Chinese security cooperation with the(Persian) Gulf Cooperation Council countries is expanding across domains including drones, missile technology, space, cybersecurity, and maritime operations. This partnership allows Arab states to reduce their reliance on any single supplier and gives them greater leverage in security negotiations with Washington. In other words, the Arab states want more options on the table.
Why does the UAE need China?
One main driver pushing the UAE towards China is the experience of recent years in the Arab security relations with the US. For years, Abu Dhabi struggled to transform its ties with Washington to a strategic one, but it has run into limits in procuring advanced weapons. The differences over Chinese access to sensitive technologies, drones, and communication infrastructure have caused tensions between the UAE and US several times.
That is why Emirates moved to buy Chinese equipment. Earlier, it had received a batch of China's Wing Loong II drones, and has talked to Beijing for fighter jets and additional military wares.
This is a clear message to Washington: If You put limits to what we demand for our security needs, China is ready to fill your place.
Saudi Arabia is diversifying its partners, too
The shift toward diversifying security partners across the Persian Gulf states is not limited to the UAE. Saudi Arabia, too, has expanded its defense ties with China in recent years. The joint naval drills known as "Blue Sword" stand as one of the most notable examples, the third iteration took place in 2025, signaling a deepening of operational cooperation between Riyadh and Beijing.
At the same time, Riyadh has been pursuing closer military coordination with Pakistan as well. Reuters reported in January that Saudi Arabia and Pakistan had held discussions about converting a portion of Saudi loans into a contract for JF-17 fighter jets, co-produced by Pakistan and China.
Taken together, Saudi Arabia is moving toward a multi-sourced approach to its security. While the United States remains its primary defense partner, the long-standing monopoly that Washington held over Arab military and security relationships is steadily eroding.
Trust to US eroding after Iran war
The main reason the Arab calculations have changed is not just rise of China. We should also blame the US security umbrella failure in war against Iran. For decades, Arab countries banked on the US military presence for their protection. But Iranian attacks on the US bases in these countries showed thar the existence of the US on the soil does not necessarily mean full immunity of Washington’s allies in the Persian Gulf.
The AP reports that Iranian attacks and protracted war have questioned reliability of the US security guarantees.
For the UAE and Saudi Arabia, it is not about leaving the US as a security partner altogether, but when Washington cannot or does not want to defend the Arabs, they seek other options. China, Pakistan, Turkey, and even regional coalitions can provide alternatives.
China, the unmatched ally
China offers Arab states one clear advantage: Beijing typically does not attach the kind of sweeping political conditions to its economic and security cooperation that Washington does.
At the same time, China maintains expansive ties with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE alike. A March 2026 report from the Middle East Institute shows that Beijing has managed to sustain its strategic relationship with Tehran alongside its economic and security partnerships with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.
That balance holds real appeal for Arab states, which can cooperate with China without being compelled to align their entire foreign policy with Beijing's.
The significance of this issue grows even clearer when you look at the numbers: China is now one of the Arab states' most important economic partners. According to data from the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, two-way trade between China and Saudi Arabia, and between China and the UAE, each reached roughly $108 billion in 2025, a strikingly large figure.
Therefore, China is no longer a distant outside player. It is deeply embedded in the Persian Gulf's economy, and now, it is adding a security and military layer to that economic footprint.
Rise of a multipolar security order
Recent developments suggest the Persian Gulf is moving toward a new order in which the US is no longer the sole decisive security actor. China is making inroads into military domains; Turkey is playing a larger role in regional security arrangements; Pakistan has signed defense pacts with Saudi Arabia; and the Arab states themselves are pushing to build more independent defense capabilities.
Reuters has even reported that Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan are set to hold their first meeting under the framework of the Mecca Pact, an agreement stipulating that an attack on any one member will be treated as an attack on all.
That move needs to be seen alongside China's deepening ties with Arab states.
In fact, Iran War has driven home a new reality for the Persian Gulf Arab states and it is that reliance on any single outside power, even the US, cannot provide absolute guarantees of security.
That is precisely why the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and others in the region are diversifying their partners. And in that calculus, China has become more of a security partner than ever before.
